The Past is Here to Stay: Listening to Afghan Voices on Justice and Reconciliation Afghanistan Analysts Network(AAN) / By Sari Kouvo /November 27, 2011 The abuses and violations suffered by Afghans during the conflicts a... Read more
Peace offerings: Theories of conflict resolution and their applicability to Afghanistan Afghanistan analysts Network (AAN) / January 28, 2011 Despite the recent deployments of more troops and greater military resources to Afgha... Read more
Afghanistan endgame: Body formed to pave way for Taliban talks The Express Tribune / January 28, 2011 akistan and Afghanistan have established a joint commission to work out modalities for direct negoti... Read more
Taliban 'receptive to overtures for peace' The Telegraph / By Duncan Gardham /January 28, 2011 The number of “expressions of interest from senior members of the insurgency” have “di... Read more
The Washington Afghan officials want to prol Post / January 26, 2011 Afghan justice and security officials want to adopt the U.S. practice of detaining suspected insurgents indefinitel... Read more
Human Rights Watch World Report: Afghanistan Human Rights Watch / January 24, 2011 While fighting escalated in 2010, peace talks between the government and the Taliban rose to the top ... Read more
Afghanistan: Who Benefits from Taliban Revisionism? Human Rights Watch / January 21, 2011 Farooq Wardmak, the Afghan education minister and a key ally of President Hamid Karzai, claims that t... Read more
Afghan Parliament Opening Delayed The Wall Street Journal / January 20, 2011 Afghan President Hamid Karzai on Wednesday delayed the incoming parliament's opening by a month ... Read more
Afghan Official Expects Court to Void Election The New York Times / January 18, 2011 Afghanistan’s attorney general expressed hope on Tuesday that a special court appointed by the presid... Read more
Kinder prison, swifter justice for US detainees in Afghanistan The Boston Globe / January 18, 2011 A few months after insurgents launched a rocket attack on Kandahar’s air base, US soldiers kicked down ... Read more

17 July 2011
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Statement of Afghanistan Watch on the International Criminal Justice Day   This year for the first time in world history, 17 July is celebrated as International Criminal Justice Day. The day More...
18 July 2010
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17 civil society actors, representing more than 200 civil society organisations, and several media organisations, unite before the approaching Kabul Conference to ask the Afghan Government to pass More...
10 December 2009
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Statement of Afghanistan Watch on the 10th of December the Universal Human Rights Day and Victims Day in Afghanistan The 10th of December is the Universal Day of Human Rights and officially More...
05 April 2009
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President Karzai has recently signed Qanon-e Ahwal-e Shakhsiah Ahl-e Tashaio’a, or the Law on Private Matters of the Shiites, a new legislation dealing with the private matters of the Shiite More...

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Haqiqat 34 contains news from Afghan print media with following details: Peace and Reconciliation with the Taliban: Sayed Yusuf Reza Gilani, the More...
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Haqiqat 33 contains news from Afghan print media with following details: Reconciliation and peace talks with the Taliban: The investigation into the More...

19 December 2011
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Speech of Director of Afghanistan Watch for the 10th Session of Assembly of States Parties (ASP), United Nation Head Quarter, December 16, 2011-New York Distinguished members of the Assembly of More...
13 September 2011
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For increasing research capacities inside the country, a 10 day theoretical training program called” research training for women” was conducted by Afghanistan Watch in Kabul. The training was More...
02 June 2011
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The “Consultation Conference with Civil Society Organizations and Victims of Mazar –e Sharif 1377 Massacre” was the title of another conference conducted by Afghanistan Watch at the regional More...
26 May 2011
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The “Consultation Conference with Civil Society Organizations and Victims of February 10, 1993 Massacre in Afshar, Kabul” was the title of a conference conducted by Afghanistan Watch in its More...
02 May 2011
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On Monday, May 2, 2011 Afghanistan Watch organized a Consultation Conference with Victims of 24 Hut Uprising of March 1979 and Civil Society organizations based in Herat. The event was held at the More...

The National Reconciliation Charter of the National Assembly Not Undermining Transitional Justice

pic_0025On August 26 2009, Ali Payam of Afghanistan Watch sat with Mr. Mawlawi Arsalan Rahmani a member of the Upper House of the National Assembly and an important figure in negotiations between the Afghan State and the armed opposition groups. Mr. Rahmani had served as Deputy Minister of Higher Education in the Taliban Government. During the interview Mr. Rahmani has talked about the National Reconciliation Charter of the National Assembly and negotiations and reconciliation with the armed opposition groups and the challenges and difficulties involved.

Q. Mr. Rahmani, how do you define peace?

A. Peace means to struggle for avoiding war, animosity, deviances from moral and religious issues and clearing the society, in other words to put an end to war. Men and women followers of all religions perform their obligations according to the teachings of Islam.

Q. In your opinion, what is the relationship between peace and justice?

A. The transitional justice has a legal perspective. Someone claims that somebody has killed a relative of his and annoyed him or has violated his property or stolen. The issue is directed to court. The judges and the process of prosecution pursue the case.

But under the transitional justice, the right of oppressed is taken from the oppressor. As far as possible, the perpetrators will be subject to punishment. Peace and reconciliation will take place when, for example, parties to a land dispute, property or political matter make peace and reach agreements.

Q. As an MP, what do you think, how much the National Reconciliation Bill has been successful in bringing peace?

A. The Bill is approved with a particular formula. This Bill has not violated the private rights of any one. In this formula, transitional justice is not undermined. The interests of transitional justice are not damaged. In Islamic law war is of several types. The war is not known and the killers are not known. There were conflicts between Hizb-e Islami, Wahdat-e Islami, Jamiat-e Islami or Harakat-e Islami. Or there were problems between ethnic groups: Taliban, Pashtuns, Hazaras, Tajiks and Uzbeks.

These problems should not be considered after this. Past is past, let us forget it and avoid the problems afterwards. However if any one wants to open a case on Mr. Rabbani he is free and the way is open.

Q. Considering three decades of war in which war crimes were extensively committed what is your opinion about implementing transitional justice?

A. In particular if someone wants to open a case against somebody else on the basis of murder, illegal occupation of properties or on moral and criminal basis they can go to the courts. The courts should proceed quickly and privately in order to ensure satisfaction of both parties.

However I believe that cases like 4000 Taliban fighters killed by General Malik in Dasht e Laili or in Kudoz 2 to 4 thousand people were killed by Dostum or how many Hazaras were killed by Taliban in Dai Kundi or how many people were massacred in Qaisar district of Faryab can not be included in transitional justice.

These types of cases should not be mentioned.

Q: Has the Commission for Strengthening Peace been successful in bringing peace?

A. The commission claims that they have convinced 7 to 8 thousand people to surrender to the government. However this number has done nothing to reduce war. We have not seen any practical outcome. However their effort is worth for the prisoners of Bagram, Guantanmo or Pul Charkhi but they have not done any remarkable activity to weaken or end the war.

Q. How would you compare the Commission for Strengthening Peace with the National Reconciliation Policy of Dr. Najibullah?

A. The National Reconciliation Policy of Najibullah was based on the policies of Hizb-e Democratik-e Khalq and the people who were working with them. That was not acceptable. But the Commission for strengthening peace is comprised of real Muslims and original Afghans; on top are popular figures like Hazrat and other religious scholars like Khumary and Erfani.

Q. How can we ensure a long-term and stable peace in Afghanistan?

A. The Commission for Strengthening Peace only asks the opponents to leave arms and come to the country. It does not mean reconciliation. If the government of Afghanistan really wants to bring peace, they should send a delegation with high authority and find the address of the opponents through United Nations. Otherwise these all will bring no good result.

Q. What some people believe is that the National Amnesty Bill was prepared by those people who are accused of human rights violation. It means they have made an amnesty document to forgive themselves. What is your opinion?

A. There is no doubt that the National Amnesty Bill includes the names of those commanders of war who commanded the previous fighting. The communist era elders like Gulabzoy and Ulomi who commanded the killings of people. From Mujaheedin era, the leaders of Itihad Islami, Jameyat islami, Wahdat Islami and Harakat Islami. All the scholars and commanders are included. We are also included. There is no problem. But it does not mean that we stop working about reconciliation. We suppose, and the elders suppose that what happened in the past was a mistake.

Q. Does the Amnesty include private rights of people?

A. In the bill, there is an article emphasizes that individuals can make their claims to the Courts.

Q. I mean whether the amnesty covers private rights or not?

A. The bill does not violate private rights, because it was reviewed by jurists and lawyers before being signed by the President.

Q. Private Rights means that the MPs are representatives in the parliament and according to Islamic Sharia cannot forgive the right of people. Is it not in this way?

A. The formula of national reconciliation has taken into account the private rights. If any one has any complain against some body else then the MPs do not have the right to deprive him or her of the right to complaint. Parliament and the members of Senate have no authority to deprive people of their rights.

Q. Then the Amnesty does not go back to the past at the time when there were armed conflicts and the violations of human rights vivid?

A. The past claims are preserved.

Q. What can we do to satisfy the victims of past three decade’s war?

A. From every ethnicity and parties there are killers and those who were killed. It is not that one ethnicity is oppressor and the other is oppressed. Hazara is the killer and killed. They are both oppressed and oppressors. Pashtuns also are the killers and killed. They are tyrants and oppressed either within their groups or in relations to others.

Q. Do you not think that implementation of transitional justice and the trial of violators of human rights and head of parties and factions will lead the country to another conflict and instability?

A. Firstly, the Jihadi leaders did not order the killing; they were in defending positions. The war was imposed on them from the outside. Again, there are differences between the commander who order the killing and the killer who carry out the killing.

The killer should be punished according to Shria. However who orders is not the killer. In Hanafi jurisprudence, the persons issuing orders receive ta’zir (discretionary punishment) not hodod (fixed punishment).

Q. Can we satisfy the victims by ensuring symbolic apologies?

A. I have many times proposed that a gathering be organized at the center of Paktiya in which all the Hazara elders and victims of wars are invited and we should apologize from them and the other day the same ceremony should be organized in Behsood, Charikar and …. The ulema should take the Holy Qura’an and some women and confess that there have been mistakes and we will not repeat it. There are many ways.

Q. How much foreign countries are involved in thirty years of war and human rights violations in Afghanistan?

A. It is clear that Khalq and Parcham were trained in the Soviet Union and they carried out the coup. It means that Russia fought in Afghanistan practically. All the crimes and criminals are vivid.

Q. In particular what is your promise and opinion in granting back the respect and satisfaction of the victims?

A. I have several times declared that those whose houses are destroyed or the widow women and orphan children, should publicly be helped. There should be apologies from one ethnic group to others. They should demonstrate their regret and that they have committed mistakes; but it is not yet clear that who is the killer and who is killed? The wars were imposed from outside. These all should be proposed. Rabbani can do it representing the Tajiks or the other side Mohsini. There is Sayaf and Hazrat in Pashtoons. We have no problems.

Q. A public opinion poll in which 6 thousand people were asked about the violators of human rights, more than 68 percent demanded their prosecution and their trial, some of them also asked for the compensation of damages. What is your opinion?

A. Legal and personal cases have no problem. Those who have claims they should consult the court. There is no problem.

Q. The action plan of transitional justice was not implemented on the fixed time. What is your opinion in this regard?

A. No one can implement it. We can not solve the current problem, can we implement transitional justice? Our government is weak and has no authority or power. We have no prospect that it will be implemented in the near future. Now we are in war with Taliban and Hikmatyar. We can not stop them. We can not celebrate the ceremonies and can not go to Chaman Hozori then how transitional justice can be implemented.

On August 26 2009, Ali Payam of Afghanistan Watch sat with Mr. Mawlawi Arsalan Rahmani a member of the Upper House of the National Assembly and an important figure in negotiations between the Afghan State and the armed opposition groups. Mr. Rahmani had served as Deputy Minister of Higher Education in the Taliban Government. During the interview Mr. Rahmani has talked about the National Reconciliation Charter of the National Assembly and negotiations and reconciliation with the armed opposition groups and the challenges and difficulties involved.

 

Q. Mr. Rahmani, how do you define peace?

 

A. Peace means to struggle for avoiding war, animosity, deviances from moral and religious issues and clearing the society, in other words to put an end to war. Men and women followers of all religions perform their obligations according to the teachings of Islam.

 

Q. In your opinion, what is the relationship between peace and justice?

 

A. The transitional justice has a legal perspective. Someone claims that somebody has killed a relative of his and annoyed him or has violated his property or stolen. The issue is directed to court. The judges and the process of prosecution pursue the case.

 

But under the transitional justice, the right of oppressed is taken from the oppressor. As far as possible, the perpetrators will be subject to punishment. Peace and reconciliation will take place when, for example, parties to a land dispute, property or political matter make peace and reach agreements.

 

Q. As an MP, what do you think, how much the National Reconciliation Bill has been successful in bringing peace?

 

A. The Bill is approved with a particular formula. This Bill has not violated the private rights of any one. In this formula, transitional justice is not undermined. The interests of transitional justice are not damaged. In Islamic law war is of several types. The war is not known and the killers are not known. There were conflicts between Hizb-e Islami, Wahdat-e Islami, Jamiat-e Islami or Harakat-e Islami. Or there were problems between ethnic groups: Taliban, Pashtuns, Hazaras, Tajiks and Uzbeks.

 

These problems should not be considered after this. Past is past, let us forget it and avoid the problems afterwards. However if any one wants to open a case on Mr. Rabbani he is free and the way is open.

 

Q. Considering three decades of war in which war crimes were extensively committed what is your opinion about implementing transitional justice?

 

A. In particular if someone wants to open a case against somebody else on the basis of murder, illegal occupation of properties or on moral and criminal basis they can go to the courts. The courts should proceed quickly and privately in order to ensure satisfaction of both parties.

 

However I believe that cases like 4000 Taliban fighters killed by General Malik in Dasht e Laili or in Kudoz 2 to 4 thousand people were killed by Dostum or how many Hazaras were killed by Taliban in Dai Kundi or how many people were massacred in Qaisar district of Faryab can not be included in transitional justice.

 

These types of cases should not be mentioned.

 

Q: Has the Commission for Strengthening Peace been successful in bringing peace?

 

A. The commission claims that they have convinced 7 to 8 thousand people to surrender to the government. However this number has done nothing to reduce war. We have not seen any practical outcome. However their effort is worth for the prisoners of Bagram, Guantanmo or Pul Charkhi but they have not done any remarkable activity to weaken or end the war.

 

Q. How would you compare the Commission for Strengthening Peace with the National Reconciliation Policy of Dr. Najibullah?

 

A. The National Reconciliation Policy of Najibullah was based on the policies of Hizb-e Democratik-e Khalq and the people who were working with them. That was not acceptable. But the Commission for strengthening peace is comprised of real Muslims and original Afghans; on top are popular figures like Hazrat and other religious scholars like Khumary and Erfani.

 

Q. How can we ensure a long-term and stable peace in Afghanistan?

 

A. The Commission for Strengthening Peace only asks the opponents to leave arms and come to the country. It does not mean reconciliation. If the government of Afghanistan really wants to bring peace, they should send a delegation with high authority and find the address of the opponents through United Nations. Otherwise these all will bring no good result.

 

Q. What some people believe is that the National Amnesty Bill was prepared by those people who are accused of human rights violation. It means they have made an amnesty document to forgive themselves. What is your opinion?

 

A. There is no doubt that the National Amnesty Bill includes the names of those commanders of war who commanded the previous fighting. The communist era elders like Gulabzoy and Ulomi who commanded the killings of people. From Mujaheedin era, the leaders of Itihad Islami, Jameyat islami, Wahdat Islami and Harakat Islami. All the scholars and commanders are included. We are also included. There is no problem. But it does not mean that we stop working about reconciliation. We suppose, and the elders suppose that what happened in the past was a mistake.

 

Q. Does the Amnesty include private rights of people?

 

A. In the bill, there is an article emphasizes that individuals can make their claims to the Courts.

 

Q. I mean whether the amnesty covers private rights or not?

 

A. The bill does not violate private rights, because it was reviewed by jurists and lawyers before being signed by the President.

 

Q. Private Rights means that the MPs are representatives in the parliament and according to Islamic Sharia cannot forgive the right of people. Is it not in this way?

 

A. The formula of national reconciliation has taken into account the private rights. If any one has any complain against some body else then the MPs do not have the right to deprive him or her of the right to complaint. Parliament and the members of Senate have no authority to deprive people of their rights.

 

Q. Then the Amnesty does not go back to the past at the time when there were armed conflicts and the violations of human rights vivid?

 

A. The past claims are preserved.

 

Q. What can we do to satisfy the victims of past three decade’s war?

 

A. From every ethnicity and parties there are killers and those who were killed. It is not that one ethnicity is oppressor and the other is oppressed. Hazara is the killer and killed. They are both oppressed and oppressors. Pashtuns also are the killers and killed. They are tyrants and oppressed either within their groups or in relations to others.

 

Q. Do you not think that implementation of transitional justice and the trial of violators of human rights and head of parties and factions will lead the country to another conflict and instability?

 

A. Firstly, the Jihadi leaders did not order the killing; they were in defending positions. The war was imposed on them from the outside. Again, there are differences between the commander who order the killing and the killer who carry out the killing.

 

The killer should be punished according to Shria. However who orders is not the killer. In Hanafi jurisprudence, the persons issuing orders receive ta’zir (discretionary punishment) not hodod (fixed punishment).

 

Q. Can we satisfy the victims by ensuring symbolic apologies?

 

A. I have many times proposed that a gathering be organized at the center of Paktiya in which all the Hazara elders and victims of wars are invited and we should apologize from them and the other day the same ceremony should be organized in Behsood, Charikar and …. The ulema should take the Holy Qura’an and some women and confess that there have been mistakes and we will not repeat it. There are many ways.

 

Q. How much foreign countries are involved in thirty years of war and human rights violations in Afghanistan?

 

A. It is clear that Khalq and Parcham were trained in the Soviet Union and they carried out the coup. It means that Russia fought in Afghanistan practically. All the crimes and criminals are vivid.

 

Q. In particular what is your promise and opinion in granting back the respect and satisfaction of the victims?

 

A. I have several times declared that those whose houses are destroyed or the widow women and orphan children, should publicly be helped. There should be apologies from one ethnic group to others. They should demonstrate their regret and that they have committed mistakes; but it is not yet clear that who is the killer and who is killed? The wars were imposed from outside. These all should be proposed. Rabbani can do it representing the Tajiks or the other side Mohsini. There is Sayaf and Hazrat in Pashtoons. We have no problems.

 

Q. A public opinion poll in which 6 thousand people were asked about the violators of human rights, more than 68 percent demanded their prosecution and their trial, some of them also asked for the compensation of damages. What is your opinion?

 

A. Legal and personal cases have no problem. Those who have claims they should consult the court. There is no problem.

 

Q. The action plan of transitional justice was not implemented on the fixed time. What is your opinion in this regard?

 

A. No one can implement it. We can not solve the current problem, can we implement transitional justice? Our government is weak and has no authority or power. We have no prospect that it will be implemented in the near future. Now we are in war with Taliban and Hikmatyar. We can not stop them. We can not celebrate the ceremonies and can not go to Chaman Hozori then how transitional justice can be implemented.

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Based in Kabul, the Afghanistan Watch focuses on activities that promote justice, respect for human rights and a culture of accountability and transparency in the country. Recognizing the need for greater understanding of the perils and opportunities facing Afghanistan today, the organization aims to conduct in-depth research and publish reports and papers on issues relevant to its goals and values independently or in partnership with other national and international organizations.

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Looking Back: An Afghanistan Watch Analysis of the Voting Patterns in the First Parliament

What lessons can be drawn from the first parliamentary cycle? What voting patterns and political alignments have developed in the parliament? What ideas, ideologies and powers have been at play when the parliament voted for the Mass Media Law, the National Reconciliation Charter or the Higher Education Law? These are some of the questions addressed in Afghanistan Watch’s report ‘The First Experience - Voting Patterns and Political Alignments in the Wolesi Jirga 2005-2010’. Sari Kouvo, AAN Co-Director, takes a closer look at the research conducted by Afghanistan Watch and funded by AAN

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The report quoted Kabir Ranjbar, a member of parliament, as saying that "the approaches based on ethnicity, language and religion have been a main point of the Wolesi Jirga’s weakness and the main factor for approval of the incapable and inefficient ministers. If the [members of parliament] had considered the national interests during the process of confidence voting for the cabinet nominees, the consequent confusions would have been prevented."

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